Friday, December 28, 2012

The adventure may be over, but this blog isn't


For the past, oh, year and a half—basically since its creation—this blog has sort of fallen by the wayside. I like to blame graduate school applications, third-world infrastructure, and our fancy for spending time in the wilderness. It would have been wonderful to inform the world of what we were doing, as we were doing it, to reassure our friends and family that we hadn’t fallen into the ocean and not climbed back out, and to share all the amazing things we were seeing and learning. Sadly, that could not be. I feel, though, that those things are still worth sharing, even if some of them happened months ago.

That’s why I intend to keep up this blog for a while. Partially, I will write for the few curious people out there who may still want to know what the hell we were doing all that time. More importantly, as that gulf that separates the past from the present grows and the bold ship of my recent adventure sails off leaving me stranded here on the shore of my increasingly normal daily life, I want to write about my experiences so that I myself can remember them—so that I can see the places again, feel the excitement of learning, stand again in the presence of things mysterious and foreign. Hopefully by re-adventuring in the world of memory I can find something I missed the first time and extract even a bit more wisdom or inspiration.

I also hope to get some more pictures and maps and other interesting things on here, make it sort of, you know, worth reading.

Let’s see how this goes.

Growing Up Lao

*Kristian and I worked as volunteer English teachers for a German non-profit organization in Laos from April 2012, until August 2012. For more information, see previous post.*




Ab nam king! Ab nam king!” chants the crowd. They’ve convinced me to go for a swim in the creek, and their joy at having accomplished this is evident in their ecstatic faces and their little limbs jumping and whirling with the inexhaustible energy of childhood. It’s like being in the center of a hive of absurdly affectionate bees, and I wonder how I will be able to keep up with them for the next four months.

Someone grabs my hand and drags me down the dusty yellow road of the village, between the bamboo walls of two houses, and then we’re hurtling down a steep, leaf-littered trail under the shade of a teak grove toward what I presume is their favorite swimming spot in the Nam King, the creek after which the village, Sop King (Mouth of the King) takes its name. Children are shedding garments as they run. Tattered t-shirts, probably handed down through several generations of siblings, fly off; children pause as they near the creek, hopping on one leg and jerking off their shorts, smiling with anticipation. They throw their clothes into a pile and hurl themselves off the four-meter rock outcrop into the water in one quick motion, shrieking with joy.

One naked brown body after another flies into the deep green water below. They gesture toward the high rock, smiling encouragingly at me. I peer over the edge. The ones already in the water shout at me, waving, palm-down, with the ubiquitous Southeast Asian signal for, “Come! Come!” The creek is not that big; how deep can this water possibly be? It occurs to me that the nearest hospital with an English speaking doctor is over seven hours away, three hours by river boat, and then at least four hours more on bumpy mountain roads. Sop King would not be a good place to break a bone or get a concussion by jumping into an unknown swimming hole onto a shallowly submerged rock. No, I smile and gesture, no, I can’t, I’m scared, I will climb down another way.

As I pick my way down the steep rocks towards the water, I meet children hurrying up, all smiles, ready for their next jump. The surface is slippery with the water they are dripping. I make it to the level of the creek and lower myself in. I am instantly swarmed and can hardly keep afloat. The water churns with frenetic limb-flailing and joyous shrieks. Naked and half-naked children cling to my back, neck, arms, jostling for position. I’m pretty sure that in the United States, I’d be arrested for swimming alone in the forest with a dozen naked schoolchildren, but, in this situation, I certainly feel like any onlooker would have to acknowledge that I am the victim, not them.

I make it to shallower water where I can stand comfortably, and start imposing a semi-ordered system of turn-taking on their chaotically eager desire to climb all over me. One after another I go underwater, a child climbs on my shoulders, I emerge, count to three, and, launch! Dunk, scramble, one, two, three, launch! After a while, I employ a scrap of the little Lao I have learned in my first few days in the country. Muay—I’m tired, I’m tired! Am I pronouncing it incorrectly? It doesn’t seem to register. Eventually, though, I start denying turns, though the flash of disappointment on their faces pains me. I like to think I’m a fairly energetic person. But keeping up with the energy of a kid is always a challenge. Keeping up with several dozen Lao kids, I realize, is going to be a very special challenge indeed.

           

Lao children: their character and habits

I’ve had some experience working with kids. From my teenage days of volunteering at after-school programs with elementary schoolers, I went on to be an experiential educator on tall ships, where I occasionally found myself confronting fairly daunting kid-related challenges—keeping the morale of eighteen nauseous high school girls afloat on a ten-day trip out on a rough, cold sea; shepherding twenty sassy and mischievous at-risk ninth-graders through La Guardia Airport on my own; and, of course, the daily challenges of simply trying to teach on a boat, with the deck rolling, leaping dolphins hogging my students’ attention, and, of course, the constant possibility that the staysail club could fly across the deck and knock off a fifth grader’s head. I felt that working with kids on tall ships was a fairly adequate training for whatever Laos could throw at me. And though it was certainly more help than if I had spent my entire educational career yapping at some sleepy students in a windowless classroom, there were, of course, plenty of surprises.

The biggest surprise was Lao kids themselves. To beat again on the old “same same but different” drum, they were, of course, similar in many ways to their American, or European, or generally non-remote-village-dwelling counterparts. Kids are kids—they run, they play, they make messes, they love attention, they don’t like being scolded; some of them are shy, some of them are bullies; some of them will follow every instruction you give like it’s the word of God, some of them are too cool for school. For the most part, my previously acquired kid-skills were transferable. Yet it would be entirely false to claim that Lao kids were basically equivalent to their video-game-playing, soda-slurping, bug-fearing Western equivalents. Every day someone did something that had you scraping your jaw off the ground.
    
Picture a three-year-old, wobbling about on his chubby little legs. Now picture him wobbling about, pantsless, on a dusty village street, holding a ten-inch machete, no adult in sight. This was a common sight in Lao villages. On another occasion, an excited ten-year-old approached me, brandishing a broken prop from a small boat engine. Later, down at the swimming hole, I understood the function of this toy. Standing on the rock outcrop, he chucked in his big chunk of jagged metal, and jumped in after it. After he’d retrieved it from the bottom, I saw him dragging it through the water, fascinated by how it rotated when he pulled it forward. He swung it close to me to show me. Though I was enthusiastically in support of his fascination with the laws of fluid dynamics exhibited in this phenomenon, I wasn’t particularly keen to get closer than a few feet from his new toy.

These examples perfectly illustrate one prominent difference between Western kids and Lao kids. Lao kids seem perfectly content without shiny plastic toys and elaborate gadgets (probably because they’ve had no exposure to them). They seem able to find entertainment in the everyday objects that nature and village life put in front of them. They manage to turn mundane, ignorable objects into fascinating playthings—an old plastic spool attached to the end of a bamboo pole becomes a car. The unwanted bamboo strips from basket making become sunglasses, pinwheels, and elaborate headdresses. An ear of corn becomes a doll, its silvery silk long, luxurious hair. Even chicken feathers tossed into the air become the center of attention during a rare windy moment before a towering thunderstorm hits the village. Entertainment seems to be everywhere.

In addition to demonstrating their creativity, the examples of toddlers with machetes and kids learning science with jagged cast-of boat props speak volumes about Lao parenting philosophy. Some would say that letting your three-year-old wield a large knife is egregiously irresponsible on the part of the parents. I say, this is Lao parents letting their kids learn how not to be idiots. Though I occasionally raised an eyebrow or two when I saw toddlers running around with sharp things, pointy sticks, and fire, I never interfered. In my opinion, that was the job of their parents, and if they looked on unconcerned, then so would I. Considering the number of unattended kids who were climbing trees, doing back flips off of cliffs into the creek, driving tiny canoes around on a rushing river, and dangling off a fifty-foot-high bamboo bridge like it was a jungle gym, very few kids ever seemed to get injured. Lao kids seemed, for the most part, to possess a shockingly high degree of common sense, which I imagine comes from their parents’ letting them learn from their own mistakes.

Another quality that I suspect helps them avoid injury during their wild and dangerous play is their incredible degree of coordination and athleticism. Playing with Lao kids was an extremely physically demanding job. My weight-loss regimen included Lao food (not always the most savory), and a daily game or two of tag in the Nam King. I had to eventually give up trying to catch some of the kids. Anyone over age ten was pretty much too fast. They would dive under the water, and pop up twenty feet away before I’d even turned around. Too bad they didn’t understand, “Hey, teleportation is cheating.” This insatiable desire to play tag extended to land as well. They would have Kristian and I run around and around the toe-breaking, uneven village streets, even at night, until our hearts threatened to explode and we were soaked with sweat. “Hot,” “tired,” “finished”—these were English words the kids learned fairly early on. I’m sure sometimes it seemed to them like these were the only words in the English language, judging by how often Kristian and I repeated them.

The most popular team sport in Laos is by far ka taw, which is basically volleyball—except that you can only use your head, and your feet. Teenage ka taw players frequently spike the ball over the net with the bottom of their foot. I doubt many American thirteen-year-olds, aside from trained gymnasts, would be capable of such feats of flexibility and coordination. It’s certainly hard to imagine enough Americans being fit enough to play ka taw for it to become the national pastime.

Along with Lao kids’ athleticism came what would be, by American kid standards, a perverse insensitivity to pain. I hesitated to introduce the game Red Rover, because I thought that, given their energetic tendencies, someone might break an arm the way they would play it. But when I saw the Fight Club-esque, village-wide games of kung-fu fighter that went on in the evenings, I realized that Red Rover was far less likely to lead to bloodied faces. It ended up being a huge hit, to the point of drawing impressive crowds of girl sibling and adult spectators.

Which brings up an issue I have previously not mentioned—gender roles. Not being able to speak Lao, it was hard for me to find answers to the innumerable questions I had about Lao daily life, so I must admit that my understanding of such elements of Lao culture hardly amount to rigorous anthropological studies and are based only on superficial observations. That said, I noticed that though Lao girls are impressively athletic—they outran, outswam, and outclimbed me on a regular basis—they are far less involved in rough-housing than their male counterparts. They also do not play ka taw. But the behavior of the village girls highlights another striking difference between Lao children and the children I was familiar with from back home—incredible independence, responsibility, and work ethic.

It was not at all uncommon to see an eight-year-old, usually a little girl, hunched over from the weight of her baby sister or brother, whom she carried around all day long while her parents were working elsewhere. When a toddler flopped on its face and started crying, it was almost always an older sibling, often a sister, who came to the rescue. For the most part, these kids discharged their responsibility with great consideration and care in between chatting with their friends or playing whatever games could be played with a baby strapped to one’s back. Additionally, I often saw girls (though rarely boys) trekking in from the jungle, bent over with a load of firewood or vegetables, helping their mothers with laborious chores from the age of six or seven.

This precocious ability to care for one’s self and others was not entirely limited to girls. When I heard that the organization had built a boarding house in one village so that children who live far from the nearest school can stay nearby during the school week, I immediately asked who monitored the kids during non-school hours. Having gone to a boarding school myself during high school, I knew that, at least in the Untied States, in loco parentis is taken very seriously. My high school was basically a gigantic, overprotective parent. When I went to boarding school, our day was meticulously scheduled so that we had almost no free time to go looking for trouble. We were told how to dress, we had a curfew, we weren’t allowed to go for rides in our friends’ cars, we were assigned chores. Considering my experience of boarding school, I was flabbergasted to learn that the boarders at this village’s primary school lived away from home five out of seven days of the week entirely without adult supervision.  It being a small village, there were often adults around, sure; but, amazingly, no one was directly responsible for taking care of these kids. They gathered their own food, cooked their own meals, cleaned up after themselves, and put themselves to bed entirely on their own.

This boarding house was built for the village’s primary school, which meant that the oldest of these children was about fourteen. What these kids were doing as pre-teens, many American youths aren’t expected to do until college, at best. Even then, it is assumed they will probably screw it up; hence the need for Resident Assistants, hall monitors, and such individuals whose job is to make sure these sadly dependent eighteen-year-olds don’t get drunk and trash the place, or burn down the building trying to make a grilled cheese sandwich. I will admit that the grounds of this boarding house in Laos were not in a much better state of cleanliness than most college dorms; but these kids didn’t have the luxury of housekeeping staff.

At first glance, it might seem that their independence and wild energy would make Lao children difficult to teach. And perhaps, if one thinks that learning can only happen while sitting at a desk in a classroom, this would have been true. Luckily, our method of English teaching didn’t require classrooms or desks, or textbooks, or tests, and their energy, as well as their warm and affectionate nature, made Lao children excellent students.

 
English teaching, English learning

I will acknowledge that Lao kids are not what one would call “good students” by Western standards. They don’t spend much time on homework; they’d always rather climb trees or play in the street. Most children seem to think that class consists of sitting in a room and repeating what a teacher shouts at them. However, when presented with a variety of informal learning activities out of the classroom, they proved themselves to be interested and capable learners of English.

Kristian had studied linguistics in college, and with his knowledge of second language acquisition, he began designing a new English program for the organization. It is based on the so-called “natural approach,” in which the teacher’s job is not so much to teach a language through forcing students to study grammar, memorize vocabulary, and learn to reproduce common phrases, as to create an environment in which students can hear and analyze a new language and learn to speak by synthesizing their own utterances based on the rules they have inferred from the input the teacher gives them. This method focuses on informal interaction—basically, play. We swam, played games, drew pictures, all the time speaking only in English. We never made the children take a test or quiz, or memorize anything. After only a couple months, the results were quite impressive.

Watching them gradually develop the ability to communicate in English was marvelous, like watching a plant grow, or watching the sun come up. First, they would stare at us shyly when we spoke in English, but soon we realized that, though they didn’t say anything back, they understood the greater part of what we said to them. Before long, they were able to answer yes or no questions—Do you want to play? Do you like mangoes? Then, they could provide simple one-word answers out of their stock of recently absorbed vocabulary—What is this? A dog! The youngest son of our host family, Sompit, had an impressive understanding of English by the time we left. The three of us—he, Kristian, and myself—had an ability to communicate that was quite amazing, though not perfectly sophisticated. We were able, however, to talk in English about most things that were relevant to a seven-year-old’s daily life, and Sompit even began to act as a translator when our Lao failed us in conversations with his parents.

Though it requires volunteers with inexhaustible energy and dedication, I am convinced it is perfectly possible to teach children English in the setting of a rural village, without the usual resources considered necessary for a “proper” education—textbooks, notebooks, even classrooms. However, after this experience, I was left wondering about the ultimate purpose of this English program. Within a very few years, these children will certainly be fluent English speakers. But what then? Will they simply become English-fluent rice farmers? What possibilities does our presence open up in the life of a Lao child?

Laos is a country undergoing radical changes, very few of which I understand. Subsistence farmers are moving to the cities to find wage jobs. Chinese firms are negotiating contracts to plant vast teak forests across the countryside. Massive road works, damn projects, and the spidery spread of telephone and electrical lines are changing the flow of people, water, and information. Some villagers now have television dishes, sound systems, and cell phones. What are the causes of these developments? Who is set to gain by them? What will be their ultimate effects on rural Lao people, on my students? And can knowledge of the English language help them?

I cannot answer these questions after spending only a few months in Laos. I hope that the organization I worked for will eventually come up with carefully-considered answers and help its volunteers develop a greater sense of purpose by understanding the role of English language education. Just from my own limited experience, I do, however, think Lao children gain simply by exposure to foreigners whose agenda is not to take advantage of them, but to help them appreciate and preserve their own way of life, while developing a new understanding of and curiosity about the world beyond their village—a world which is rapidly coming nearer and nearer.

Part of me thinks, may the approach of the outside world not spoil these children—in several senses of the word. I felt a twinge of pain when I saw teenagers roaming the village streets in packs, hovering around one lucky boy and his cell phone, transfixed by its ability to capture fuzzy images of them posing in silly postures or squirt out tinny-sounding versions of America’s or Thailand’s latest pop sensations. What if there comes a day when village children no longer get excited about jumping into the creek, or playing with corn dolls, or making sunglasses out of strips of bamboo? What if they will begin to need kung-fu movies, music videos, pop stars, and camera phones in order to find excitement? Though I have no right to stop anyone from seeking what they see to be the good, I do not myself want to be the connection between these children and the global entertainment network that will in short order crush their creativity and make them addicted to mass-produced garbage. On the other hand, there are certain tools that may be of great use to them in the future—the computer, the telephone, the internet, the automobile—and perhaps, as an educator, I should see it as my job to show how these things work and what they can be used for aside from entertainment and frivolous short-term satisfaction. The same things that can suck away creativity and absorb what is unique about a people can also be a means to preserve and strengthen the ties that hold people together.

Laos is changing, quickly, inevitably. All that one can hope to do, as a concerned individual, is try to make sure that people are educated about what is happening, and empowered to protect their own interests. Though I don’t feel like I did this in a particularly direct manner, I hope that, by simply spending time with these children and happily riding the wave of their energy and creativity, by preferring to go swimming rather than watch TV, or listen to Lao music instead of American music, I showed that I valued them and their way of life, and that I wasn’t there to make them change, but to provide knowledge that may help them protect what they have. Who knows what we accomplished in those few months, if anything, really. But I hope to stay involved, and, as much as possible, follow the lives of my students as they grow up in an ever-changing Laos.

 

Wednesday, December 19, 2012

An Apology and a Preface

Wynne Hedlesky
1214 local time
Düsseldorf, Germany

Beloved readers, I am deeply sorry for my extended absence from the “blogosphere”. I will apologize for Kristian as well. Sadly, he is currently working on a novel and may not post here again for a while. One might think that hitchboating around the world is basically an extended vacation, but you would be surprised at how busy a person can get. We have also been in some fairly remote places, where even electricity is a luxury. Hard to blog if your computer is dead. As for the internet—well. When we had it, I was frantically trying to complete graduate school applications so that I could submit them before I got on a sailboat to cross the Indian Ocean. Turns out there’s not internet out there, either.

Excuses, excuses. I have been burning to say something about the eight months we spent in Asia, and only now, in the comfort and leisure of a snuggly first-world Christmastime, am I finally finding an opportunity to post some words on our experiences there, the highlight of which was, by far, the time that Kristian and I spent living among the emerald mountains and kind-hearted people of northern Laos.

As a preface to the post that follows, I would like to briefly describe what we were doing there. Kristian and I spent four months volunteering for Bambusschule, a German non-profit organization that focuses on improving education and health care along the Ou River in northern Laos. We lived with a Lao family, in a Lao village, three hours away by boat from the nearest town with automobiles or the Internet. In most of the villages where we worked, we were the only English speakers. Our job, roughly, was to teach English and carry out some maintenance projects on the buildings—three schools and a boarding house—that the organization has built in the region. 
  
For the first few weeks, we had some small degree of guidance from the organization’s Field Manager. He acquainted us with the key figures in the villages where we would be working, and helped us plan the summer’s maintenance projects. He provided next to no guidance about the English teaching program, however, other than showing me a box full of paper, pencils, and other school supplies and telling me this was what I had to work with. No book, no syllabus, no notes from previous volunteers, nothing. He seemed completely unconcerned at the lack of structure or guidance—“Bo pen nyang, relax, this is Laos!” he said. He was never particularly interested in that part of the organization’s work; he focused more on plumbing projects. He had a love for building things out of little blue PVC pipes. After about a month, he went home to Australia on vacation. Shortly thereafter, he was fired.

So Kristian and I were left more or less alone for three months in rural Laos to find the best way to accomplish the organization’s goals and represent its values. For the building maintenance projects, we had to get by with our meager knowledge of the Lao language—we had no translator while purchasing and transporting supplies, or negotiating with village leaders. We were also supposed to incorporate as much English teaching into our schedule as possible, but with the added complication that school was out of session for most of our time there, and so we had no scheduled time for English class, and no classroom in which to teach. And yet it could hardly have been better.

We took advantage of our lack of direct supervision and the open-ended directives to begin designing a new English program for the organization, based on the knowledge of second language acquisition that Kristian gained during his university studies in linguistics and his participation in a research project about the subject conducted by the university of Cologne in cooperation with the Max-Planck-Institute in Nijmegen. Throughout everything we did, we worked closely with the organization’s founder in Germany (or as closely as you can when you can only communicate every two weeks or so). The core of our new program is informal interaction—that is, play. It was not difficult to convince the village kids to get involved. By the end of the summer, some of the kids we worked with had gone from robotic repetition of “How are you?” “I’m fine, thank you” to the ability to express their likes and dislikes, ask questions, explain aspects of their daily life, and open up the all-important highways of communication between people from vastly different worlds.

I hope that the opportunity to interact with us ends up playing a positive role in those children’s lives. Learning about their way of life was certainly a valuable experience for me. More than anything, I continued to be struck by how so many aspects of Lao daily life stubbornly remained unexplained, regardless of the fact that I had lived in such close contact with Lao people for several months. The richness of cultures is such that people as different as me and my Lao hosts can find vast areas of common ground, while there always remain differences that make each group unique, and incite in us curiosity about our fellow human beings. I hope that the exposure to foreign people and language both instills in the children I interacted with a desire to learn about the world outside their village, as well as an understanding of the value of their own unique way of life.


P.S. If you are interested in volunteering with Bambusschule (Bamboo School), contact Bodo Peters: info@die-bambusschule.de, or visit die-bambusschule.de